El Teatro Experimental de Cali Enrique Buenaventura estrena el próximo 28 de noviembre su nueva obra ‘Su vida pende de un hilo’, que destaca el mito del vengador: Hacer justicia por mano propia.
“El teatro es nuestro impulso, es la transformación incesante de lo que hacemos y es el público quien nos guía en este proceso. Ojalá los espectadores nos sigan acompañando largo rato en las aventuras de ‘Su vida pende de un hilo’, que apenas se está iniciando en este noviembre 2014”, indicó Jacqueline Vidal, directora del Teatro Experimental de Cali.
En esta obra canta el poeta de estos tiempos sombríos que vive Colombia en la construcción de su identidad. Una despiadada guerra campesina paralela a una política moderna democrática engendra esos personajes “justicieros vengadores”.
En los últimos días de su vida, Enrique Buenaventura se entristeció profundamente ante el desbordamiento de la violencia como única forma de expresar el inconformismo. Es el tema de las últimas obras de teatro que escribió: ‘La huella y ´’Los dientes de la guerra”.
En este sentido los actores del TEC le propusieron al colectivo encarar esta nueva creación partiendo del texto de Enrique Buenaventura y fueron guiando la investigación sobre el tema:
Cuando fue apareciendo un sentido teatral que nacía de las improvisaciones, las investigaciones descubrieron autores como Lautréamont y otros “malditos” cuyas voces se unieron a la de Daniel Gómez quien condensó todos los textos literarios al asumir la puesta en escena en la vía que viene trazando el TEC en sus 60 años de vida: la creación colectiva buenaventuresca.
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An ethnic German mayor who defeated the prime minister in a runoff to become Romania's president said Monday his victory signals stronger relations with the West and greater stability for Eastern Europe.
Thousands of Romanians celebrated the surprise victory of Klaus Iohannis over Victor Ponta, which the mayor of Sibiu said would lead to "deep change" in Romania.
The victory of the slow-talking physics teacher represents a victory for a young, post-communist, well-traveled generation who get their news and views from social media, where Iohannis was widely favored, and not from the mostly pro-government traditional media.
It also reflected the anger that people felt over the problems that Romanians living abroad had in voting in the first round. The sight of thousands of Romanians, many forced to move away to find decent pay, lining up for hours to vote and being unable to do so, struck a deep chord. The turnout of 64 percent for the runoff was well above that in the first round.
Two hours after polls closed, an ashen-faced Ponta conceded defeat. A mass protest transformed into a celebration as Iohannis waded through thousands gathered in a square where many were shot dead during the 1989 anti-communist revolt.
"It should never be allowed again that Romanian citizens are humiliated when they want to vote," Iohannis told The Associated Press on Monday.
German President Joachim Gauck congratulated Iohannis, assuring him of Germany's support for "the implementation of important reforms your country faces — especially" in tackling corruption.
Iohannis tapped into Romanians' desire for a quiet life and an end to bitter conflicts between outgoing President Traian Basescu and Ponta, promising to be a "mediator president." Basescu also congratulated Iohannis.
His win was also the failure of the nationalist card played by Ponta, who mocked his rival's minority German ethnicity and the fact that he is a Lutheran and not a member of the powerful Orthodox Church.
Challenged to sing the national anthem at a news conference, Iohannis gave a tenor rendering of the first verse on Friday, to applause.
Ethnic Germans who moved to Transylvania 800 years ago enjoy a good reputation in Romania and Romanians are generally not bothered by religious affiliation.
Iohannis, a teacher, has been the successful mayor of Sibiu, a city of 155,000, since 2000.
In the interview, Iohannis said he would "definitely bring more assurances and stability to this region."
He promised to crack down on endemic corruption and guarantee an independent justice system and said Parliament must not pass a law that would grant amnesties to people serving prison sentences for corruption.
"All this needs to be done as soon as possible," he said.
Ponta later said that he would propose a law to Parliament that would not allow amnesties for corruption convictions, adding that he also supported changing rules for Romanians voting abroad.
Former King Michael, who ruled Romania during World War II, invited the country's president-elect to lunch at the palace on Wednesday.
Klaus Iohannis, the mayor of Sibiu, scored a stunning victory over Prime Minister Victor Ponta in Sunday's presidential runoff, generating a feel-good factor among Romanians.
Before the meal, hundreds of people gathered outside the palace, waving flags and shouting "King Michael!"
Little known in Romania before the election, Iohannis notched up more than 1 million likes on his Facebook page after his victory. He has invited Michael to his inauguration next month.
The former king — who ruled Romania from 1927 to 1930, and 1940 to 1947 — is now 93 years old and Europe's last surviving World War II leader.
Both men are of German descent, and German Chancellor Angela Merkel called Iohannis on Wednesday to congratulate him, her government said.
"The clear vote for Iohannis was the expression of a wish for the strengthening of Romania's European orientation, particularly in the area of the rule of law and transparency," Merkel was quoted as saying.
Merkel and Iohannis also discussed the situation in Ukraine and in Moldova, which will hold elections on Nov. 30. In Moldova, pro-European parties are competing with parties seeking closer ties to Moscow. Hundreds of thousands of Moldovans have Romanian citizenship, and many of them used absentee ballots to help Iohannis defeat Ponta.
In 1947, King Michael was forced to abdicate by communists, and he went into exile until 1997. He now lives at the palace in Bucharest or at a home in Switzerland.
On the other hand, at 42 and as one of the youngest European prime ministers, Victor Ponta is the darling of European Social-Democrats. His campaign relied heavily on honing this Western-leader image. Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, also a Social-Democrat, even went on Romanian television to give Ponta his support.
Many Romanians, however, associate his image less with European leaders and more with local moguls and party leaders sponging off the state’s resources, whose names are constantly popping up in numerous corruption trials.
His particular brand of ‘shadow politics’ is less than appealing to an increasingly young electorate which is becoming more politically astute and less willing to accept leaders with seemingly unbreakable ties with corrupt politicians, all eager to see a ‘friend’ in the top seat of the country.
And yet Ponta has a stable support base of traditional voters. A more seasoned politician, he was at a clear advantage during the elections and could easily have slid into the president’s seat, had he stuck to a clean campaign against a relatively unknown adversary.
His fate was sealed by the ire he triggered in an otherwise latent, young electorate, by dragging his feet on the diaspora vote issue and refusing to acknowledge the corruption plaguing his party.
On election night, people across the country protested against Ponta, with 10,000 gathered in front of the government building in the capital Bucharest, all demanding his resignation.
Throughout the day, news of voting fraud taking place in the south of the country had filtered through social media, while footage of mile-long queues abroad had already aired in prime time.
When the exit polls started predicting Iohannis as the winner, the protests turned into a street celebration.
That is perhaps the best outcome of the elections: not the fact that Iohannis has won, but that Romanians have found a common idea to rally around, one heartfelt enough to draw them out of their houses and into the streets in their thousands.
They wish for a different Romania, where the ‘smart guys’ don’t always win, where politics is about more than personal gain and where leaders are held accountable for their actions (or lack thereof). Most of all, a Romania which allows them a future.
Now, in the first post-election week, it’s more important than ever not to forget that. Iohannis might have polled better than Mr Ponta, but he, too, is surrounded by ‘faithful’ party cronies, who should be shown the door as soon as possible.
Any hope in Iohannis’ integrity or political astuteness is misplaced. Instead, what is needed is increased awareness of the political games being played out in Parliament, now facing a weakened Socialist majority and a slowly crumbling coalition.
More significantly, Romanians should realize that this was not Iohannis’ win, but their own. If they want to set the country on a better trajectory, they should not forget that.
‘Yes we can!’ feeling swept through Romania, taking over social media and reaching all the way to people still queuing outside Romanian embassies throughout Europe, hoping to vote.
Their enthusiasm is understandable. After two weeks of protests amid concerns that the current prime minister, Social-Democrat Victor Ponta, would be elected president, their fears were assuaged.
A little after nine in the evening, it became clear that Klaus Iohannis, a Liberal-Democrat and the mayor of a provincial Transylvanian town, had won, with 54.5 per cent of the vote compared to Ponta’s 45.49 per cent,
These have been the most fiercely contested elections Romania has seen in a long time, with voters’ anger ignited by the voting conditions in the Romanian diaspora.
Never a traditional support base for the Social-Democrats, Romanians abroad were prevented from voting in both election rounds by a stalled voting process and legal debates mired in newspeak and accusations of blame (two foreign ministers have already resigned over the debacle).
Fuelled by social media networks, in the course of the two weeks between the first and second round of elections, public opinion coalesced against the prime minister.
Most of all however, people rallied against the idea that the country was simply up for grabs by the followers of the old communist regime.
In a classic, ironic case of leaders toppling due to self-made enemies, Ponta recast himself as the enemy of most Romanians abroad, increasing their determination to vote in the second round.
In some cases, people queued for more than 11 hours, standing in the cold and rain, waiting for what should have been a matter of routine, a basic democratic tenet – the right to vote. In total, almost 400,000 Romanians voted abroad.
Back home, with a turnout of 62 per cent, Romanians flocked to polling stations, propelled by their friends and family abroad as much as by a sense of urgency and fear. Theirs was a self-defence vote cast out of dread rather than support, something of which the president-elect is very aware.
Klaus Iohannis did not win on his own merit. At 55, more elegant and soft-spoken than the brash Victor Ponta, he is still perceived as a weaker candidate, with relatively little experience in the big political arena.
Still, he has been quick to acknowledge that he understands the message Romanians have sent him: that this is a vote of blind faith, a choice of the ‘lesser evil’ and for some, a hope that the old system can finally be done away with.